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Common SenseNon-fiction by Thomas Paine

Chapter 2: Of the Origin and Design of Government in General, with Concise Remarks on the English Constitution

2 of 5 · summary, analysis, and key quotes

What happens in Chapter 2 of Common Sense?

In Chapter 2, Paine makes a clear distinction between society and government, arguing that they are not just different but fundamentally opposed in their origins and moral nature. He believes society arises from human needs and desires—it's a positive force, stemming from our natural tendency to work together. Government, on the other hand, is a necessary evil, created only because of human wrongdoing and the failure of moral virtue to hold bad actors in check. To illustrate this, Paine presents a thought experiment: a small group of settlers arriving in a new territory would instinctively form social connections, establish simple rules by mutual agreement, and elect representatives—naturally developing a basic republican government. He uses this example to assert that representation and regular elections are the only valid foundation for authority. Paine then critically examines the English Constitution, tearing apart the supposed balance between the king, lords, and commons. He points out that the system is full of contradictions: a king controlled by a parliament that he can sway is not a check at all. He argues that the monarchy's origins lie not in divine right or rational consent but in conquest and usurpation. He concludes by questioning the English pride in their constitution, suggesting that a nation's long acceptance of a flawed system shows more about habit than wisdom.

Analysis

Paine's main technique in this chapter is the strategic parable. The settler thought experiment acts as a rhetorical clean room, reducing governance to its basics and sidestepping centuries of tradition that his opponents might reference. By envisioning a society built from scratch, he compels the reader to assess institutions based solely on rational merit, a strategy that is both rooted in Lockean philosophy and radical in its execution.

The tension between society and government is the chapter's key theme. Paine depicts society as a "patron" and government as a "punisher," making it clear which side he supports. His language is intentionally straightforward—he favors Anglo-Saxon monosyllables over Latinate words that a pamphleteer aiming for prestige might choose. This simplicity serves as an argument in itself: elaborate prose would implicitly validate the very complexities of the institutions he is critiquing.

A tonal shift occurs when Paine turns his attention to the English Constitution. The precise, almost mathematical reasoning of the beginning shifts to something resembling controlled disdain. Phrases like "the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot" indicate that Paine is no longer constructing a model; he is tearing one down. The repeated use of "absurdity" and "contradiction" acts as a rhythmic beat, conditioning the reader to perceive the Constitution not as a respected achievement but as a collection of failures. Paine's irony is sharp: he allows England her pride only to reveal that pride itself is the issue.

Key quotes from Chapter 2

  • Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices.

    Paine opens the chapter with this foundational antithesis, establishing the moral hierarchy between society and government that drives the entire argument.

  • Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built upon the ruins of the bowers of paradise.

    Following his definition of government as a necessary evil, Paine reaches for a compressed, almost biblical image to underscore how far humanity has fallen from natural virtue.

  • For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever.

    Paine deploys this line in his assault on hereditary monarchy, grounding his rejection of kingship in the natural-rights premise that no bloodline can claim inherent superiority.