TO THE EDITORS OF THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY by James Russell Lowell: Summary, Meaning & Analysis
A farmer from New England named Hosea Biglow strolls through the night near Concord and Bunker Hill, where it feels like the ghosts of the Revolutionary War are stirring all around him.
The poem
JAALAM, 6th Jan., 1862. Gentlemen,--I was highly gratified by the insertion of a portion of my letter in the last number of your valuable and entertaining Miscellany, though in a type which rendered its substance inaccessible even to the beautiful new spectacles presented to me by a Committee of the Parish on New Year's Day. I trust that I was able to bear your very considerable abridgment of my lucubrations with a spirit becoming a Christian. My third granddaughter, Rebekah, aged fourteen years, and whom I have trained to read slowly and with proper emphasis (a practice too much neglected in our modern systems of education), read aloud to me the excellent essay upon 'Old Age,' the author of which I cannot help suspecting to be a young man who has never yet known what it was to have snow (_canities morosa_) upon his own roof. _Dissolve frigus, large super foco ligna reponens_, is a rule for the young, whose woodpile is yet abundant for such cheerful lenitives. A good life behind him is the best thing to keep an old man's shoulders from shivering at every breath of sorrow or ill-fortune. But methinks it were easier for an old man to feel the disadvantages of youth than the advantages of age. Of these latter I reckon one of the chiefest to be this: that we attach a less inordinate value to our own productions, and, distrusting daily more and more our own wisdom (with the conceit whereof at twenty we wrap ourselves away from knowledge as with a garment), do reconcile ourselves with the wisdom of God. I could have wished, indeed, that room might have been made for the residue of the anecdote relating to Deacon Tinkham, which would not only have gratified a natural curiosity on the part of the publick (as I have reason to know from several letters of inquiry already received), but would also, as I think, have largely increased the circulation of your Magazine in this town. _Nihil humani alienum_, there is a curiosity about the affairs of our neighbors which is not only pardonable, but even commendable. But I shall abide a more fitting season. As touching the following literary effort of Esquire Biglow, much might be profitably said on the topick of Idyllick and Pastoral Poetry, and concerning the proper distinctions to be made between them, from Theocritus, the inventor of the former, to Collins, the latest authour I know of who has emulated the classicks in the latter style. But in the time of a Civil War worthy a Milton to defend and a Lucan to sing, it may be reasonably doubted whether the publick, never too studious of serious instruction, might not consider other objects more deserving of present attention. Concerning the title of Idyll, which Mr. Biglow has adopted at my suggestion, it may not be improper to animadvert, that the name properly signifies a poem somewhat rustick in phrase (for, though the learned are not agreed as to the particular dialect employed by Theocritus, they are universanimous both as to its rusticity and its capacity of rising now and then to the level of more elevated sentiments and expressions), while it is also descriptive of real scenery and manners. Yet it must be admitted that the production now in question (which here and there bears perhaps too plainly the marks of my correcting hand) does partake of the nature of a Pastoral, inasmuch as the interlocutors therein are purely imaginary beings, and the whole is little better than [Greek: kapnou skias onar]. The plot was, as I believe, suggested by the 'Twa Brigs' of Robert Burns, a Scottish poet of the last century, as that found its prototype in the 'Mutual Complaint of Plainstanes and Causey' by Fergusson, though, the metre of this latter be different by a foot in each verse. Perhaps the Two Dogs of Cervantes gave the first hint. I reminded my talented young parishioner and friend that Concord Bridge had long since yielded to the edacious tooth of Time. But he answered me to this effect: that there was no greater mistake of an authour than to suppose the reader had no fancy of his own; that, if once that faculty was to be called into activity, it were _better_ to be in for the whole sheep than the shoulder; and that he knew Concord like a book,--an expression questionable in propriety, since there are few things with which he is not more familiar than with the printed page. In proof of what he affirmed, he showed me some verses which with others he had stricken out as too much delaying the action, but which I communicate in this place because they rightly define 'punkin-seed' (which Mr. Bartlett would have a kind of perch,--a creature to which I have found a rod or pole not to be so easily equivalent in our inland waters as in the books of arithmetic) and because it conveys an eulogium on the worthy son of an excellent father, with whose acquaintance (_eheu, fugaces anni!_) I was formerly honoured. 'But nowadays the Bridge ain't wut they show, So much ez Em'son, Hawthorne, an' Thoreau. I know the village, though; was sent there once A-schoolin', 'cause to home I played the dunce; An' I 've ben sence a visitin' the Jedge, Whose garding whispers with the river's edge, Where I 've sot mornin's lazy as the bream, Whose on'y business is to head upstream, (We call 'em punkin-seed,) or else in chat Along 'th the Jedge, who covers with his hat More wit an' gumption an' shrewd Yankee sense Than there is mosses on an ole stone fence.' Concerning the subject-matter of the verses. I have not the leisure at present to write so fully as I could wish, my time being occupied with the preparation of a discourse for the forthcoming bicentenary celebration of the first settlement of Jaalam East Parish. It may gratify the publick interest to mention the circumstance, that my investigations to this end have enabled me to verify the fact (of much historick importance, and hitherto hotly debated) that Shearjashub Tarbox was the first child of white parentage born in this town, being named in his father's will under date August 7th, or 9th, 1662. It is well known that those who advocate the claims of Mehetable Goings are unable to find any trace of her existence prior to October of that year. As respects the settlement of the Mason and Slidell question, Mr. Biglow has not incorrectly stated the popular sentiment, so far as I can judge by its expression in this locality. For myself, I feel more sorrow than resentment: for I am old enough to have heard those talk of England who still, even after the unhappy estrangement, could not unschool their lips from calling her the Mother-Country. But England has insisted on ripping up old wounds, and has undone the healing work of fifty years; for nations do not reason, they only feel, and the _spretæ injuria formæ_ rankles in their minds as bitterly as in that of a woman. And because this is so, I feel the more satisfaction that our Government has acted (as all Governments should, standing as they do between the people and their passions) as if it had arrived at years of discretion. There are three short and simple words, the hardest of all to pronounce in any language (and I suspect they were no easier before the confusion of tongues), but which no man or nation that cannot utter can claim to have arrived at manhood. Those words are, _I was wrong;_ and I am proud that, while England played the boy, our rulers had strength enough from the People below and wisdom enough from God above to quit themselves like men. The sore points on both sides have been skilfully exasperated by interested and unscrupulous persons, who saw in a war between the two countries the only hope of profitable return for their investment in Confederate stock, whether political or financial. The always supercilious, often insulting, and sometimes even brutal tone of British journals and publick men has certainly not tended to soothe whatever resentment might exist in America. 'Perhaps it was right to dissemble your love, But why did you kick me down stairs?' We have no reason to complain that England, as a necessary consequence of her clubs, has become a great society for the minding of other people's business, and we can smile good-naturedly when she lectures other nations on the sins of arrogance and conceit: but we may justly consider it a breach of the political _convenances_ which are expected to regulate the intercourse of one well-bred government with another, when men holding places in the ministry allow themselves to dictate our domestic policy, to instruct us in our duty, and to stigmatize as unholy a war for the rescue of whatever a high-minded people should hold most vital and most sacred. Was it in good taste, that I may use the mildest term, for Earl Russell to expound our own Constitution to President Lincoln, or to make a new and fallacious application of an old phrase for our benefit, and tell us that the Rebels were fighting for independence and we for empire? As if all wars for independence were by nature just and deserving of sympathy, and all wars for empire ignoble and worthy only of reprobation, or as if these easy phrases in any way characterized this terrible struggle,--terrible not so truly in any superficial sense, as from the essential and deadly enmity of the principles that underlie it. His Lordship's bit of borrowed rhetoric would justify Smith O'Brien, Nana Sahib, and the Maori chieftains, while it would condemn nearly every war in which England has ever been engaged. Was it so very presumptuous in us to think that it would be decorous in English statesmen if they spared time enough to acquire some kind of knowledge, though of the most elementary kind, in regard to this country and the questions at issue here, before they pronounced so off-hand a judgment? Or is political information expected to come Dogberry-fashion in England, like reading and writing, by nature? And now all respectable England is wondering at our irritability, and sees a quite satisfactory explanation of it in our national vanity. _Suave mari magno_, it is pleasant, sitting in the easy-chairs of Downing Street, to sprinkle pepper on the raw wounds of a kindred people struggling for life, and philosophical to find in self-conceit the cause of our instinctive resentment. Surely we were of all nations the least liable to any temptation of vanity at a time when the gravest anxiety and the keenest sorrow were never absent from our hearts. Nor is conceit the exclusive attribute of any one nation. The earliest of English travellers, Sir John Mandeville, took a less provincial view of the matter when he said, 'For fro what partie of the erthe that men duellen, other aboven or beneathen, it semethe alweys to hem that duellen that thei gon more righte than any other folke.' The English have always had their fair share of this amiable quality. We may say of them still, as the authour of the 'Lettres Cabalistiques' said of them more than a century ago, _'Ces derniers disent naturellement qu'il n'y a qu'eux qui soient estimables_'. And, as he also says,_'J'aimerois presque autant tomber entre les mains d'un Inquisiteur que d'un Anglois qui me fait sentir sans cesse combien il s'estime plus que moi, et qui ne daigne me parler que pour injurier ma Nation et pour m'ennuyer du récit des grandes qualités de la sienne_.' Of _this_ Bull we may safely say with Horace, _habet fænum in cornu._ What we felt to be especially insulting was the quiet assumption that the descendants of men who left the Old World for the sake of principle, and who had made the wilderness into a New World patterned after an Idea, could not possibly be susceptible of a generous or lofty sentiment, could have no feeling of nationality deeper than that of a tradesman for his shop. One would have thought, in listening to England, that we were presumptuous in fancying that we were a nation at all, or had any other principle of union than that of booths at a fair, where there is no higher notion of government than the constable, or better image of God than that stamped upon the current coin. It is time for Englishmen to consider whether there was nothing in the spirit of their press and of their leading public men calculated to rouse a just indignation, and to cause a permanent estrangement on the part of any nation capable of self-respect, and sensitively jealous, as ours then was, of foreign interference. Was there nothing in the indecent haste with which belligerent rights were conceded to the Rebels, nothing in the abrupt tone assumed in the Trent case, nothing in the fitting out of Confederate privateers, that might stir the blood of a people already overcharged with doubt, suspicion, and terrible responsibility? The laity in any country do not stop to consider points of law, but they have an instinctive perception of the _animus_ that actuates the policy of a foreign nation; and in our own case they remembered that the British authorities in Canada did not wait till diplomacy could send home to England for her slow official tinder-box to fire the 'Caroline.' Add to this, what every sensible American knew, that the moral support of England was equal to an army of two hundred thousand men to the Rebels, while it insured us another year or two of exhausting war. It was not so much the spite of her words (though the time might have been more tastefully chosen) as the actual power for evil in them that we felt as a deadly wrong. Perhaps the most immediate and efficient cause of mere irritation was, the sudden and unaccountable change of manner on the other side of the water. Only six months before, the Prince of Wales had come over to call us cousins; and everywhere it was nothing but 'our American brethren,' that great offshoot of British institutions in the New World, so almost identical with them in laws, language, and literature,--this last of the alliterative compliments being so bitterly true, that perhaps it will not be retracted even now. To this outburst of long-repressed affection we responded with genuine warmth, if with something of the awkwardness of a poor relation bewildered with the sudden tightening of the ties of consanguinity when it is rumored that he has come into a large estate. Then came the Rebellion, and, _presto!_ a flaw in our titles was discovered, the plate we were promised at the family table is flung at our head, and we were again the scum of creation, intolerably vulgar, at once cowardly and overbearing,--no relations of theirs, after all, but a dreggy hybrid of the basest bloods of Europe. Panurge was not quicker to call Friar John his _former_ friend. I cannot help thinking of Walter Mapes's jingling paraphrase of Petronius,-- 'Dummodo sim splendidis vestibus ornatus, Et multa familia sim circumvallatus, Prudens sum et sapiens et morigeratus, Et tuus nepos sum et tu meus cognatus,'-- which I may freely render thus:-- So long as I was prosperous, I'd dinners by the dozen, Was well-bred, witty, virtuous, and everybody's cousin; If luck should turn, as well she may, her fancy is so flexile, Will virtue, cousinship, and all return with her from exile? There was nothing in all this to exasperate a philosopher, much to make him smile rather; but the earth's surface is not chiefly inhabited by philosophers, and I revive the recollection of it now in perfect good-humour, merely by way of suggesting to our _ci-devant_ British cousins, that it would have been easier for them to hold their tongues than for us to keep our tempers under the circumstances. The English Cabinet made a blunder, unquestionably, in taking it so hastily for granted that the United States had fallen forever from their position as a first-rate power, and it was natural that they should vent a little of their vexation on the people whose inexplicable obstinacy in maintaining freedom and order, and in resisting degradation, was likely to convict them of their mistake. But if bearing a grudge be the sure mark of a small mind in the individual, can it be a proof of high spirit in a nation? If the result of the present estrangement between the two countries shall be to make us more independent of British twaddle (_Indomito nec dira ferens stipendia Tauro_), so much the better; but if it is to make us insensible to the value of British opinion in matters where it gives us the judgment of an impartial and cultivated outsider, if we are to shut ourselves out from the advantages of English culture, the loss will be ours, and not theirs. Because the door of the old homestead has been once slammed in our faces, shall we in a huff reject all future advances of conciliation, and cut ourselves foolishly off from any share in the humanizing influences of the place, with its ineffable riches of association, its heirlooms of immemorial culture, its historic monuments, ours no less than theirs, its noble gallery of ancestral portraits? We have only to succeed, and England will not only respect, but, for the first time, begin to understand us. And let us not, in our justifiable indignation at wanton insult, forget that England is not the England only of snobs who dread the democracy they do not comprehend, but the England of history, of heroes, statesmen, and poets, whose names are dear, and their influence as salutary to us as to her. Let us strengthen the hands of those in authority over us, and curb our own tongues, remembering that General Wait commonly proves in the end more than a match for General Headlong, and that the Good Book ascribes safety to a multitude, indeed, but not to a mob, of counsellours. Let us remember and perpend the words of Paulus Emilius to the people of Rome; that, 'if they judged they could manage the war to more advantage by any other, he would willingly yield up his charge; but if they confided in him, _they were not to make themselves his colleagues in his office, or raise reports, or criticise his actions, but, without talking, supply him with means and assistance necessary to the carrying on of the war; for, if they proposed to command their own commander, they would render this expedition more ridiculous than the former.' (Vide Plutarchum in Vitâ P.E._) Let us also not forget what the same excellent authour says concerning Perseus's fear of spending money, and not permit the covetousness of Brother Jonathan to be the good fortune of Jefferson Davis. For my own part, till I am ready to admit the Commander-in-Chief to my pulpit, I shall abstain from planning his battles. If courage be the sword, yet is patience the armour of a nation; and in our desire for peace, let us never be willing to surrender the Constitution bequeathed us by fathers at least as wise as ourselves (even with Jefferson Davis to help us), and, with those degenerate Romans, _tuta et præsentia quam vetera et periculosa malle_. And not only should we bridle our own tongues, but the pens of others, which are swift to convey useful intelligence to the enemy. This is no new inconvenience; for, under date, 3d June, 1745, General Pepperell wrote thus to Governor Shirley from Louisbourg: 'What your Excellency observes of the _army's being made acquainted with any plans proposed, until ready to be put in execution_, has always been disagreeable to me, and I have given many cautions relating to it. But when your Excellency considers that _our Council of War consists of more than twenty members_, I am persuaded you will think it _impossible for me to hinder it_, if any of them will persist in communicating to inferior officers and soldiers what ought to be kept secret. I am informed that the Boston newspapers are filled with paragraphs from private letters relating to the expedition. Will your Excellency permit me to say I think it may be of ill consequence? Would it not be convenient, if your Excellency should forbid the Printers' inserting such news?' Verily, if _tempora mutantur_, we may question the _et nos mutamur in illis;_ and if tongues be leaky, it will need all hands at the pumps to save the Ship of State. Our history dotes and repeats itself. If Sassycus (rather than Alcibiades) find a parallel in Beauregard, so Weakwash, as he is called by the brave Lieutenant Lion Gardiner, need not seek far among our own Sachems for his anti-type. With respect, Your ob't humble serv't Homer Wilbur, A.M. I love to start out arter night's begun, An' all the chores about the farm are done, The critters milked an' foddered, gates shet fast, Tools cleaned aginst to-morrer, supper past. An' Nancy darnin' by her ker'sene lamp,-- I love, I say, to start upon a tramp, To shake the kinkles out o' back an' legs, An' kind o' rack my life off from the dregs Thet's apt to settle in the buttery-hutch Of folks thet foller in one rut too much: 10 Hard work is good an' wholesome, past all doubt; But 't ain't so, ef the mind gits tuckered out. Now, bein' born in Middlesex, you know, There's certin spots where I like best to go: The Concord road, for instance (I, for one, Most gin'lly ollers call it _John Bull's Run_). The field o' Lexin'ton where England tried The fastest colours thet she ever dyed, An' Concord Bridge, thet Davis, when he came, Found was the bee-line track to heaven an' fame, 20 Ez all roads be by natur', ef your soul Don't sneak thru shun-pikes so's to save the toll. They're 'most too fur away, take too much time To visit of'en, ef it ain't in rhyme; But the' 's a walk thet's hendier, a sight, An' suits me fust-rate of a winter's night,-- I mean the round whale's-back o' Prospect Hill. I love to l'iter there while night grows still, An' in the twinklin' villages about, Fust here, then there, the well-saved lights goes out, 30 An' nary sound but watch-dogs' false alarms, Or muffled cock-crows from the drowsy farms, Where some wise rooster (men act jest thet way) Stands to 't thet moon-rise is the break o' day; (So Mister Seward sticks a three-months' pin Where the war'd oughto eend, then tries agin: My gran'ther's rule was safer 'n 'tis to crow: _Don't never prophesy--onless ye know_.) I love to muse there till it kind o' seems Ez ef the world went eddyin' off in dreams; 40 The northwest wind thet twitches at my baird Blows out o' sturdier days not easy scared, An' the same moon thet this December shines Starts out the tents an' booths o' Putnam's lines; The rail-fence posts, acrost the hill thet runs, Turn ghosts o' sogers should'rin' ghosts o' guns; Ez wheels the sentry, glints a flash o' light, Along the firelock won at Concord Fight, An', 'twixt the silences, now fur, now nigh, Rings the sharp chellenge, hums the low reply. 50 Ez I was settin' so, it warn't long sence, Mixin' the puffict with the present tense, I heerd two voices som'ers in the air, Though, ef I was to die, I can't tell where: Voices I call 'em: 'twas a kind o' sough Like pine-trees thet the wind's ageth'rin' through; An', fact, I thought it _was_ the wind a spell, Then some misdoubted, couldn't fairly tell, Fust sure, then not, jest as you hold an eel, I knowed, an' didn't,--fin'lly seemed to feel 60 'Twas Concord Bridge a talkin' off to kill With the Stone Spike thet's druv thru Bunker's Hill; Whether 'twas so, or ef I on'y dreamed, I couldn't say; I tell it ez it seemed.
A farmer from New England named Hosea Biglow strolls through the night near Concord and Bunker Hill, where it feels like the ghosts of the Revolutionary War are stirring all around him. The poem is presented within a lengthy, humorous letter from his fictional editor, Reverend Homer Wilbur, who seizes the moment to discuss Anglo-American tensions during the Civil War. Both the framing letter and the verses contend that America should take pride in its revolutionary roots and remain steadfast against British arrogance.
Line-by-line
JAALAM, 6th Jan., 1862. / Gentlemen,--I was highly gratified by the insertion of a portion of my letter...
'But nowadays the Bridge ain't wut they show, / So much ez Em'son, Hawthorne, an' Thoreau...'
As respects the settlement of the Mason and Slidell question...
The sore points on both sides have been skilfully exasperated by interested and unscrupulous persons...
And now all respectable England is wondering at our irritability...
It is time for Englishmen to consider whether there was nothing in the spirit of their press...
Let us strengthen the hands of those in authority over us...
I love to start out arter night's begun, / An' all the chores about the farm are done...
Now, bein' born in Middlesex, you know, / There's certin spots where I like best to go...
But the' 's a walk thet's hendier, a sight, / An' suits me fust-rate of a winter's night...
I love to muse there till it kind o' seems / Ez ef the world went eddyin' off in dreams...
Ez I was settin' so, it warn't long sence, / Mixin' the puffict with the present tense...
Tone & mood
The tone divides into two distinct styles. Wilbur's letter carries a mock-solemn and satirical tone — the humor arises from a pompous man oblivious to his own arrogance, alongside Lowell's authentic anger at British policy, which is cloaked in classical quotations and clerical dignity. In contrast, Biglow's verses are warmer, more lyrical, and subtly elegiac: a plain man alone on a hill at night, feeling the weight of history beneath his feet. Both voices exhibit a dry Yankee wit, but while Wilbur lectures, Hosea listens.
Symbols & metaphors
- Concord Bridge and Bunker Hill — These two Revolutionary War sites represent the foundational promise of American democracy. By giving them a voice, Lowell suggests that the Civil War is essentially a continuation of the Revolution — the same principles are involved, and the same bravery is needed.
- The nighttime walk — Hosea's lonely walk through the dark New England countryside captures the essence of clear thinking, free from the clamor of politics and war. The night removes distractions and allows history to resonate.
- The rooster crowing at moonrise — The rooster that confuses the moon for dawn serves as a humorous representation of misguided predictions and overconfidence—specifically targeting Secretary Seward's persistent claims of a swift Union victory. Being overconfident during wartime is as silly as a bird that can't distinguish between night and morning.
- The rail-fence posts turned to ghost soldiers — The fence posts that transform into ghostly Revolutionary War troops illustrate how the landscape holds memory. The typical New England farm is infused with the presence of the men who fought there, and this presence serves as a moral duty for the living.
- The three words 'I was wrong' — In Wilbur's letter, acknowledging mistakes is portrayed as a sign of national maturity. America's admission regarding the Trent Affair is framed as a display of true strength, whereas Britain's failure to acknowledge its own actions is depicted as immature pride.
- The fair-weather cousin — The Latin verse suggests that prosperity attracts insincere friends, while the portrayal of Britain as a cousin who claims kinship only when it suits them highlights the emptiness of international goodwill that lacks a foundation in shared values.
Historical context
This poem is from Lowell's *Biglow Papers, Second Series*, written during the American Civil War. The first series had employed the same Yankee dialect to critique the Mexican-American War in the 1840s. By 1862, Lowell brought back Hosea Biglow and his fictional editor, Reverend Wilbur, to support the Union cause and to discuss the diplomatic crisis stemming from the Trent Affair of November 1861. A Union naval officer had intercepted a British mail ship and taken two Confederate envoys, Mason and Slidell, almost pulling Britain into the conflict on the side of the Confederacy. The Lincoln administration eventually released the men. Lowell, a Harvard professor and ardent abolitionist, used the humorous context of Wilbur's letter to present a serious argument: that pro-Confederate interests were taking advantage of Anglo-American tensions, that Britain's condescension was a consistent historical pattern that should be met with calm resistance, and that the Civil War was a rightful continuation of the American Revolution.
FAQ
Not directly. Lowell employs two fictional characters. Reverend Homer Wilbur is a pompous country parson who quotes Latin and acts as the editor and introducer. Hosea Biglow is a straightforward Yankee farmer who writes in dialect verse. Lowell hides behind both voices, allowing him to be satirically sharp through Wilbur's pretentiousness and genuinely moving through Hosea's simpler emotions. It's a ventriloquist act, with Lowell as the one pulling the strings.
In November 1861, a Union warship intercepted the British mail steamer *Trent* and captured two Confederate diplomats, James Mason and John Slidell, who were headed to Europe to seek recognition for the Confederacy. Britain was outraged and threatened to go to war. Lincoln's government ultimately decided to release the men to ease tensions. Lowell believed this retreat was the right decision, but he was infuriated by Britain's condescending attitude during the crisis — and that frustration fuels much of Wilbur's lengthy letter.
Yes, partly — but it's also a political choice. Yankee dialect in the 1860s represented straightforward common sense in contrast to elite pretension. By assigning the most genuine emotional insights to a farmer who drops his g's and spells 'against' as 'aginst,' Lowell suggests that regular Americans grasp their own history and their own war better than British lords or American loudmouths do. The humor helps make the political message more palatable.
'John Bull' is the classic symbol of England, much like 'Uncle Sam' symbolizes America. 'Bull's Run' was also the site of a Civil War battle (First Bull Run, 1861) where Union forces faced a significant defeat. Hosea is cleverly making a double joke: the Concord road is where the British *fled* in 1775, and the name reflects the Union's own recent humiliation. It captures a wry, self-aware kind of patriotism.
Israel Putnam was an American general during the Battle of Bunker Hill in 1775 — the lines he drew are like the ghostly encampments that Hosea pictures on Prospect Hill. The poem also mentions Secretary of State William Seward (the rooster who keeps insisting that the war will wrap up soon), Earl Russell (the British Foreign Secretary who advised Lincoln about his own Constitution), and makes a brief nod to Emerson, Hawthorne, and Thoreau as the living monuments of Concord.
They poke fun at Wilbur — he can't help but flaunt his education. However, Lowell uses them to highlight a significant point: the American tradition is intertwined with the broader Western tradition, and Americans quoting Horace or Plutarch deserve that cultural inheritance just as much as any English lord. The Latin serves as both humor and a subtle assertion of cultural equality.
No. This is the first part of a longer poem by Biglow titled 'Mason and Slidell: A Yankee Idyll.' The text concludes just as Hosea is on the verge of hearing Concord Bridge and the Bunker Hill monument converse. Lowell published the *Biglow Papers, Second Series* in installments in the *Atlantic Monthly*, and this section lays the groundwork for the dialogue that unfolds in later issues.
He is highlighting the difference between emotional immaturity and adult self-control. In his opinion, Britain threw a tantrum over the Trent Affair and used it as an opportunity to lecture and intimidate. By admitting its mistake and releasing the Confederate diplomats, America showcased the tougher, more mature quality of putting aside pride for a greater goal. For Lowell, saying 'I was wrong' isn't a sign of weakness — it’s the strongest evidence of strength.